Sunday, August 10, 2014

Trychineb y Dwyrain Canol

Dydi hyn ddim yn digwydd yn aml iawn, ond dwi'n cytunol 100% efo'r erthygl olygyddol isod sy'n ymddangos yn Mail on Sunday heddiw. Mae cloc sydd wedi stopio yn gywir ddwywaith y diwrnod.

Yr unig beth y byddwn yn ei ychwanegu ydi nad efo penderfyniad George Bush a'r Cenad Heddwch gwych, Tony Blair i ymosod ar Irac mae'r cloc yn cychwyn ar y drychineb yma sydd bellach yn ymestyn o un ochr i'r llall o'r Dwyrain Canol.  Cychwynodd hynny yn 1916 pan aeth Prydain a Ffrainc ati i 'greu' gwledydd yn unol a'u doethineb eu hunain.  Y canlyniad oedd gweinyddiaethau unbeniaethol gormesgar - dyna'r unig ffordd o gadw gwledydd sylfaenol ansefydlog at ei gilydd.  Wedyn pan ddefnyddwyd grym milwrol y Gorllewin i ddatgymalu gweinyddiaethau hynny cymerodd pethau eu cwrs.  Cwrs oedd yn anhepgor. 

Dydi gwerthu arfau rhyfel rif y gwlith yn y Dwyrain Canol ddim yn helpu llawer chwaith wrth gwrs _ _ _

What a bloody mess. And what a source of shame for the West that so much blame for the carnage now visiting Iraq lies with us. But let us remind ourselves first of the surreal chain of events that has brought us here.
It started with an official lie, deliberately promoted to persuade the British people to support a war of choice. The claim that Saddam Hussein was a danger to this country was then mingled with idealistic plans to bring democracy to a ‘New Middle East’.

Thousands of Yezidis trapped in the Sinjar mountains as they tried to escape from Islamic State forces
Thousands of Yezidis trapped in the Sinjar mountains as they tried to escape from Islamic State forces
We certainly got a ‘New Middle East’, but not the one we had been told to expect.
Without Saddam, Iraq’s dangerous Sunni-Shia split widened into a chasm. With the Christian West blamed by many Iraqis for the invasion and the chaos that followed, local Christians suffered horribly, fleeing in their thousands to Syria, until that country, too, was sunk in murderous sectarian chaos by Western intervention.
But it was not over yet. Western governments went on to support the ‘Arab Spring’, which led not to a new birth of freedom, but to a military dictatorship in Egypt and a new and terrifying failed state in Libya, a short sea journey from the outer edges of the European Union.
In the same spirit, Britain, the US and France actively aided the destabilisation of the Assad government in Syria, coming within inches of launching air and missile attacks on Damascus. While they dithered, Muslim British citizens in significant numbers travelled to Syria to join the anti-Assad forces.
However, they then found that the government viewed them as dangerous Islamist militants. And in a bizarre reversal of fortune, President Assad’s army is now one of the few remaining reliable bulwarks against the Islamic State, which elsewhere sweeps all before it.
Astonishingly, the main culprits still hold their heads up in public. Tony Blair is rich and still spoken of with respect and, absurdly, retains the title of Middle East Peace Envoy. His lieutenant at the time of the ‘Dodgy Dossier’, Alastair Campbell, is likewise still taken seriously and asked for his opinion on weighty issues.
Now we are faced with the task of trying to save at least some of the victims, Christians, Yazidis and Kurds who face persecution, murder, starvation, even genocide in a medieval war fought with modern weapons.
The responsibility for this catastrophe lies heavily upon us. We rightly feel a strong duty to intervene, and so we must.
But this time we should recognise that we cannot rebuild the Arab world with bombs and bullets and that our aim in this operation must be to save the innocent from the terrible fate we have helped so much to visit on them.

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